Friday, March 14, 2025

Operation AZORIAN -The K-129 and CAPT Jack "Blackjack" Newman, USN (Ret.)

This author had the personal privilege and honor of knowing "Blackjack" Newman. I met him while on two weeks ACTDUTRA spent with the Seattle NRIU (Naval Reserve Intelligence Unit) during the summer of 1978. His biography touches only the tip of the iceberg in the range of skills and knowledge he possesses. He speaks and reads both Russian and German. He is both a qualified scuba and hard-hat diver. He was both an enlisted and subsequently a qualified submarine and nuclear submarine officer in the Fleet Ballistic Submarine Program. As a personal interest he has personally met and conversed with the majority of surviving WWII German submarine commanders. He was essentially the artifacts and data recovery/identification/exploitation expert for Operation Azorian, and as his unofficial business card stated "has been known to take a sip of sherry with the ladies on occasion". He is uniquely qualified to write the following article which has been published in the US Naval Institute Proceedings. Readers should feel particularly privileged to read his accurate and intriguing hands-on account.

It is with full acknowledgment and sincere gratitude that his article follows:

"The Hughes Glomar Explorer, built by Howard Hughes for the ostensible purpose of manganese extraction from the ocean floor, served as the platform for one of the most elaborate and ambitious covert-intelligence undertakings of the Cold War—retrieval of the K-129. 

U.S. Naval Institute Photo Archive

The Loss—and the Mysteries—of the K-129 

The disappearance of a Soviet submarine in the Pacific—and the CIA’s clandestine effort to retrieve the wreck—remains one of the most intriguing chapters in the story of the Cold War. Here is an inside account from a former submarine officer who was there.

By Captain Jack G. Newman, U.S. Navy Reserve (Retired) 

August 2024

It was a surreal scene, nothing that could be easily imagined: eight men gathered together seven stories above the steel deck of the Hughes Glomar Explorer’s cavernous Moon Pool, all suited up in anticontamination suits, booties, backpacks, and positive-pressure face masks. Their attention was focused on a 40-foot black cylindrical form: the forward section of the Soviet submarine K-129, retrieved from a depth of 16,500 feet off the floor of the Pacific Ocean, some 1,560 nautical miles northwest of Hawaii.


The outer surface of the raised wreckage was rippled and twisted, giving the appearance of a reptile shedding its skin. Severe trauma had wracked the K-129. Water and ocean-floor slurry drained out onto the Glomar Explorer’s deck, puddling its surface, reflecting the glare of powerful well lights.

The pungent smell of a low-tide reef permeated the atmosphere. What would we find—what levels of radiation, if any, to impede our work? Would there be human remains? These questions would be answered soon enough. Many 12-hour shifts lay ahead, with physical and mental exhaustion at the end.

This scene unfolded 50 years ago, on 8 August 1974. I was a member of the Central Intelligence Agency’s Project Azorian team and was the only qualified former submarine officer on board (with an intelligence background and ten “combat duty” patrols, as the Russians call them, behind me).

How did the K-129 die? What was the root cause? Did the crew suffer, or was death instantaneous? What incomprehensible forces destroyed her? These questions were front and center in my mind, and they would stay with me forever.

Now, with the 50th anniversary of the K-129’s recovery upon us, it is time to discuss her fate from a submariner’s perspective and, hopefully, to help bring closure for the remaining families of the crew.


The Hughes Glomar Explorer, built by Howard Hughes for the ostensible purpose of manganese extraction from the ocean floor, served as the platform for one of the most elaborate and ambitious covert-intelligence undertakings of the Cold War—retrieval of the K-129.  U.S. Naval Institute Photo Archive  

‘We Are Then All Brothers’

At the time of the K-129’s death, I was assigned to the Defense Intelligence Agency as the sole submariner, responsible for all things related to Soviet and foreign submarines. By the end of March 1968, we were sure the Russians had lost one of theirs. At this point, I began a lifelong interest in the mysteries of the lost Soviet Golf II–class ballistic missile submarine, pennant number 722, hull number K-129.

Later I was offered a position in the CIA’s Azorian program. And now, here I was on board the Hughes Glomar Explorer. I was one of the initial well entry party, along with the mission director and his deputies. While suiting up, the mission director informed me I would be the first one to board and crawl around the target object (TO) to determine final shoring requirements and overall condition of the TO. When the disassembly process was completed, I would be the last to leave.

Submarine sailors, regardless of flag or nationality, are a breed unto themselves, all sharing a silent commitment that “we all surface together or none do.” When the diving alarm sounds and the hatches are shut and dogged, vents opened, the boat slips beneath the waves, and we are then all brothers.

And as we began our forensic deep-dive into the tangled remains of the salvaged hull, we on board the Hughes Glomar Explorer recognized that those on board the K-129 had given their all for their country.

Conversion and a Covert Mission


The lost sailors of the doomed Soviet submarine; they “had given their all for their country.” Courtesy Michael White 

The submarine’s commanding officer had been Captain First Rank Vladimir Ivanovich Kobzar, a Ukrainian graduate of the Sevastopol Higher Naval Engineering School and Soviet submarine school at Leningrad. A tall man, with black, bushy, authoritative eyebrows and smiling eyes over a face seasoned at sea, he enjoyed a mid-career reputation that was outstanding and secure. I doubt that he suffered fools kindly.

He had been with the K-129 since 1964, just four years after her initial commissioning, when he was ordered to take her into the massive Dalzavod Shipyard at Vladivostok for a three-year conversion/overhaul. As sailors belong at sea and not in a shipyard, he probably viewed this with some trepidation and uncertainty; however, he would be with his wife and two children for a lengthy period. Also, when he took the K-129 to sea again, she would have undergone the transformation from a surface strategic missile launch platform to a totally submerged launch system—a truly strategic missile system, one to be reckoned with by her adversaries.

The converted and overhauled K-129 completed a combat duty patrol in October–November 1967. In-port maintenance followed that December and would last until February 1968.

This late-1967/early-1968 time period was also bearing witness to some portentous developments in the shadowy realm of intelligence and counterintelligence. In September 1967, U.S. Navy Chief Warrant Officer John Anthony Walker began spying for the Soviet Union; he would continue to do so until 1985. And on 23 January 1968, the spy ship USS Pueblo(AGER-2) was captured by the North Koreans and taken to Wonsan. Shortly thereafter, a Soviet cargo aircraft landed at Wonsan, and Russians were given access to the Pueblo.

Against that backdrop, on 9 February 1968, the Soviet Navy Central Command issued the directive to redeploy the K-129by the 24th. She was transferred back to the crew on 13 February, with only 11 days to prepare for her new deployment.

The Russian word maskirovka—meaning “to mask” or, more broadly, “military deception”—encapsulated a favorite pastime of Soviet officials: clouding their real intentions. The “masking story” for the early deployment of the K-129 was that a Vladivostok area Echo II–class submarine had been assigned the Hawaiian Station; however, engineering issues precluded her getting underway, thus the K-129 would have to go.

My personal belief is that critical U.S. Navy communications intelligence had recently come into Russian hands from either John Anthony Walker, the Pueblo, Vietnam sources, or all of the above. The intel could be verified by the K-129collecting Hawaiian-area U.S. Navy shore-to-ship communications.

Since paranoia and the irrational distrust of people bearing gifts was in keeping with the Soviet mindset, the K-129’s patrol, among other things, could have been used to verify the bona fides of John Walker’s information. This is one of the mysteries of the K-129.

The Last Combat Duty


A video montage–generated image produces this chilling view of the wreck of the K-129 three miles below the surface of the ocean. The illustration above provides an outline of the submarine. Courtesy Michael White 

On 24 February 1968, sometime shortly after midnight, the K-129’s diesel engines roared to life and she cast off from the weapons loadout facilities in the southwest corner of Tar’ya Bay and headed toward the twinkling lights of Petropavlovsk to the northeast. Known to all Russians as “the loneliest city in the world,” Petropavlovsk is on the sea-isolated far eastern peninsula of Kamchatka—the most volcanically active piece of earth on the planet, with 26 volcanoes regularly spewing ash and steam.

Passing Three Brothers Rocks on the port hand about 0130 with shore and sea ice well dispersed by Mother Nature, the submarine entered the Pacific Ocean and submerged. After heading south, the K-129 made a short-burst transmission, checking in with Navy Central Command (PKP) Moscow  . . . and then her sealed orders were opened.

From this combat duty’s outset, the captain, executive officer, and wardroom had to work to form a competent watch bill to safely operate the boat under all conditions and emergencies. Getting the K-129 into an established sea routine was paramount. In the confined space, hot bunking and “people in the way” would be serious issues: At the last minute, the normal complement of 13 officers and 70 enlisted had been increased to 14 officers and 84 enlisted, including ten sailors with special training—but no sea duty. Additional non-crew sailors normally would have been prohibitive to a successful ballistic-missile submarine deployment—unless the secret orders had established a new mission?

Heading south put the K-129 about 300 nautical miles west of the Emperor’s Seamount Chain, which would help block any low-frequency tonals from the submarine passing into the Eastern Pacific.

Arriving at 40 degrees north latitude, the K-129 swung east toward her assigned patrol area. She was to reach the midpoint of the outbound deployment by midnight on 8 March 1968, and she was to burst-transmit to PKP Moscow the news of her arrival.

No transmission was received.

Admiral Viktor A. Dygalo, the K-129’s division commander, recommended that a search and rescue (SAR) be established. Moscow directed that the SAR be made ready but not be executed until further orders. Those further orders were soon forthcoming: When the K-129 failed to communicate again at the next preplanned transmission on 10 March, Moscow greenlighted the SAR. It was unsuccessful, and the rest is history.

Swordfish: Tastes Like Red Herring

For years, Admiral Dygalo asserted that the USS Swordfish (SSN-579) had rammed the Russian boat and sunk her. He went to his grave believing it. Dygalo stated that a Soviet intelligence-gathering ship had deciphered a Swordfish message to Yokosuka that indicated she was heading home  “after an accident at sea.” The Soviets viewed it as a clue that the submarines had collided. But the U.S. Navy would aver that a Sea of Japan ice pack caused the damaged periscope and that the Swordfish had been 200 nautical miles away from the K-129 at the time of her disappearance.

Also working against the Swordfish theory is the fact that, when the location of the lost K-129 was discovered by the USS Halibut (SSGN-587) in August 1968 and the wreck was then photographed extensively, it became evident that the K-129lay in two major pieces, fairly close to each other, three miles down.

Now, if the sail of the Swordfish had struck the K-129 perpendicular to her longitudinal axis while the U.S. boat attempted to pass underneath the K-129’s hull, with force sufficient to breach or crack the pressure hull, the Russian submarine would have immediately flooded and sunk to the bottom in one piece. This would occur so rapidly that the crew would be overwhelmed, only knowing that their boat was flooding.

Furthermore, U.S. submarine trailing operational procedures were being established in the early 1960s. These directed that our boats, in the process of establishing a trail, should stay as far behind the Soviet submarine as possible, maintaining contact through passive sonar only. If the trailed boat suddenly changed course in clearing the baffles or on reversing course, our boat was to keep the bow pointed toward the target to keep our acoustic signature to a minimum.

At no time would speeding up to close the target be advised. Keep in mind that a submarine on the battery is the quietest of all, and counterdetection is probable in a boat with reactor pumps running.

The Swordfish did not sink the K-129.

The Death of the K-129


The engine room of the Soviet Foxtrot-class submarine B-39, formerly on view at the Maritime Museum of San Diego, is a virtual match with how the later Golf II–class K-129’s would have looked. Note the incoming air blower on the port side and the ship’s air supply blower on the starboard; tons of seawater would have gushed through the ventilation lines, flooding the boat and quickly sealing her fate.  Author Photo 

She died on 11 March 1968, near the International Date Line, at 40 degrees north latitude. Her final minute was at 22:10 Petropavlosk local time, or 0010 Greenwich Mean Time, the moment marked by the clock in her forward torpedo room—smashed amid the cataclysmic forces of implosion, of warhead detonations, missile-fuel and battery-cell explosions, and the bursting of high-pressure air flasks. If you were there, none of it would have been easily comprehended, much of it happening so fast that the human eye would not see it occur as the hull section sank to the sea floor.

The torpedo room destruction followed the flooding of the after half of the K-129, which occurred due to a mishap that allowed seawater to enter the pressure hull through the snorkel intake system with such velocity that it took only seconds to dump tons of water into each compartment through the ventilation lines, with immediate loss of propulsion, resulting in the boat’s demise.

Total blackness added to the finality, along with the arching and sparking of high-voltage buses with currents possibly approaching 7,000 amps. Zero grounds would have been everywhere, instantaneously.

Both of the ship’s batteries surely were shorted and in self-destruct mode. Toxic gases would have spewed from the after battery as saltwater found its way rapidly through the ventilation lines into the compartment. The engine room ship’s ventilation supply blower was only about 12 feet aft of the battery compartment, ensuring immediate shorts and fire.

Crew members in Compartments 5 through 8 would have had a quick, painless, and sudden death by the crushing sea pressure. The boat was sinking by the stern. Suddenly, in the after battery, when the bending stresses exceeded the tensile strength of the now-heated pressure hull steel, the buoyant forward submarine hull tore cleanly away from the after half, at a point 12 feet from the median of the pressure hull longitudinal length, which was at the missile compartment after battery bulkhead.

The after half then quickly sank through collapse depth of about 900 feet under 400.5 pounds per square inch of pressure. Collapsing along the way were compartment bulkheads, high-pressure air bottles (which collapse at 9,600 feet), oxygen bottles, hard tanks, hydraulic system accumulators, fuel and lube oil tanks, plus emergency air breathing bottles and torpedo tubes with their torpedoes, all slamming into the ocean floor, followed by freezing, black silence.


The Final Hour

A remarkably detailed model of the K-129 wreck, built by the CIA during Project Azorian. Seeing it, one perceives how, for the crew, it would have been “a quick, painless, and sudden death.” CIA 

The cause of the K-129’s loss remains a mystery, one attested to by the numerous theories that have been put forth to explain it. My involvement with the retrieval of her remains, combined with my experience serving in submarines and as a DIA submarine analyst, leads to a surmise as well. My assessment is that mechanical failure of the snorkel headvalve or system piping, plus human error, allowed seawater to enter the engine room, dooming the boat. What we do not know is the operational status of the boat’s systems.

It is possible that, despite the fact the K-129 had failed to blast-transmit her positions to PKP Moscow at the predesignated times and locations, she had managed to communicate her status via satellite. (We in the USS Daniel Boone [SSBN-629] had begun experimenting with the NAVSAT satellite system for communication tests in 1965–66.) She was probably cruising at about 160 feet toward her final location, having been submerged for at least a few hours. Overall, her transit at the 40th parallel had been stressful, with rough seas and steady, strong winds. Cold fronts roaring off the Arctic steppes, mixing with warmer tropical air masses up from south of the Philippines created counterclockwise typhoon systems.

It would have been time to clear the K-129’s baffles, with Captain Kobzar ordering a 90-degree course change at 2120 on 10 March, then at 2125 shifting his rudder to cover the opposite baffle. These baffle clearings were noted in the last line of the sonarman’s notes.

With no known contacts, the boat must have immediately headed up to periscope depth followed by complete surfacing, then by the order “Combat alert! Duty stations! Assume the RDP [snorkeling] position!” With the battery charge underway, trash would be dumped and any required antenna maintenance conducted, along with cleaning the optical lenses of the periscopes and the vertical lenses of the new LIRA azimuth system. After a few days underwater, these glass surfaces “fogged” over from micro-marine matter, making them almost opaque and useless.

The K-129 was snorkeling about 20 hours each day, although I believe she stayed at a shallower depth to reduce head valve cycling. Her engines and snorkel system were getting a world-class workout.

Captain Kobzar probably stayed on the surface snorkeling, battery charging, and topping off the high-pressure air bottles, all the while listening for electronic-countermeasure contacts. If threatened, the crew could cycle the vents and slowly submerge to the proper snorkel depth or submerge altogether. Submarines in this situation would be trimmed heavy overall; if propulsion were lost, she would sink.

The swells may have been big enough to force a course change to preclude running the boat in the troughs, avoiding broaching seas that could slam into the sail and produce vertical waterfalls over the top of the sail, possibly dumping saltwater into the snorkel system, thence into the boat’s ventilation and after battery well, producing shorts, battery fire, toxic smoke (gas plasma), and ultimately loss of propulsion.

The clock had started its terminal countdown at that first baffle clearing at 2120. On completion of the baffle search, the boat would immediately proceed to periscope depth, determine weather and wave conditions, and with no contacts within the area, surface, commence snorkeling, and perform the housekeeping chores (not necessarily in that order).

I estimate that seawater entered the snorkel and submarine about ten minutes prior to the three acoustic precursor events when the after battery had been shorted, dumping its 7,500 amp hours to ground as fast as possible, producing vast quantities of gas plasma, plus red-hot battery terminals. The tragedy ended when the clock stopped in the forward torpedo room at 2210.

The crew in the forward half of the boat just had time to make amends with their Maker before painlessly passing. It was so quick.

Needs of the State vs. Crew Readiness

Ultimately, the needs of the state superseded the true technical status and actual crew readiness of the submarine. She was not, I believe, materially ready, nor was the “crew,” with just 11 days to meld as a unit—an impossible task. The old hands would not be very happy about the early redeployment. They would be tired emotionally and physically. Also, the significant impact the additional bodies would have had on the efficient, safe operation of the submarine, plus the morale of the main crew, cannot be overstressed. “Step aside! Ship’s company coming through!” gets old very fast. Then, when there’s a ship’s emergency, “quick the word, fast the action” becomes very problematic.

When the last emergency occurred and the word passed, the crewmen knew they were doomed. Thankfully, they died without ever feeling pain due to the swiftness of it all.

After these 50 years of studying the K-129’s loss, it is still tough to get my head around the forces involved and the sequence of events. What has been presented here is derived from my firsthand involvement and my experience as a submariner; it is not conjecture based on hearsay.

I would leave the reader with one final example of the very human element underlying the story. Near the end of Project Azorian’s disassembly of the K-129’s retrieved remains, there was one large air flask on the Hughes Glomar Explorer’s well deck that evidenced a faint crack about four feet long out of its ten-foot length. Cutting the cylinder open, to our utter amazement, we found a hardbound book, completely intact, undamaged.

The title of this book that had miraculously survived—a book that had belonged to a sailor who had perished in the service of our Cold War enemy—was Short Stories of the American West: Cowboys and Indians.

Go figure."

Captain Jack G. Newman, U.S. Navy Reserve (Retired)

CAPT Newman, a member of the U.S. Naval Academy Class of 1960, served in five submarines both as enlisted and officer, including as commissioning crew communications officer and second ship’s navigator in the USS Daniel Boone, the first U.S. ballistic-missile submarine assigned to the Pacific Fleet. He also served as a submarine analyst for the Defense Intelligence Agency and as the Strategic Systems Support Program Manager and a nuclear device engineer at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. He is the last living member of the CIA’s Project Azorian Hughes Glomar Explorer team.

 


Wednesday, March 12, 2025

An Introduction to My Father - Coach of Coaches

 The majority of children are very proud of their parents, some justified for even relative small accomplishments, and others for major achievements, recognition, and awards. As a deviation from the normal scope of military subject matter of this blog, I would like to take the brief opportunity to introduce the readers of this blog to my father, even though Father’s Day is a few months away.

My father, James (“Jim”) Allen Gordon was an extremely modest man. He was also the fifth fastest man in the world in the 400 meters dash in the 1932 Olympics in Los Angeles, California. He was Miami University’s (Ohio) first Olympian.



The US track coach for the Olympics in 1932 was Lawson Robertson (track coach at University of Pennsylvania). In the finals dad was running against Joe Carr from the University of Pennsylvania (coincidence?) and Ben Eastman (from Stanford). For the final heat he had dad run the race as a flat-out dash (“rabbit”). Dad had never run the race that way, He didn’t like to talk about it, but strongly inferred that the race might have finished differently had he run it his way.

 

 Dad was also the friend and favorite receiver of Paul Brown (quarterback), original owner and coach of the Cleveland Browns, when they played football together at Miami University (Ohio) in the late 1920’s to early 1930’s (Great Depression years). He always made Paul look good. Paul would just throw the ball down-field in dad’s direction, and dad would just outrun any defenders and catch it. In one game Dad caught two of Paul’s passes for touchdowns for a win against then arch-rival Whittenburg University, making both he and Paul look good.

 

He led Miami to three consecutive Buckeye Conference track championships from 1929-31. He was the top point producer on the team, participating in the 100-, 220- and 440-yard dashes, mile relay and low hurdles. He was undefeated and Buckeye Conference champion for three years in his specialty, the 440. His best time in the 440 came in the final American trials for the Olympics when he was clocked in :47.8 sec.The current World's Record for the 400 meters dash is 43.03 sec. For the 440 yd yard dash it's 44.5 sec.

 

He was an accomplished musician on the trumpet, and also played the piano. We always used to really enjoy his rendition of  “The Carnival of Venice”. He partially paid for his college education as lead trumpet with the Miami Campus Owls on summer cruises to Europe and back, between college years.

 

During some of the hardest years of the Great Depression, he found work as a teacher and coach at West Technical High School in Cleveland, Ohio. The principal of the high school was a “gentleman” by the name of C.C. Tuck. He was the closest thing to a state penitentiary warden that you could envision. He had to be, it was the depression, and teen agers in the area were extremely tough. He was a local folk hero, holding the position for 34 ½ years. As a strict disciplinarian Mr. Tuck instituted a before school track exercise for minor infractions. Who better than an American Olympian, as an example to assist him in his program.



During World War II , as a lieutenant in the U.S. Navy, he served as a coach and instructor with the Navy V-5 Pre-flight Program (“Seahawks”) for naval aviation cadets at the University of Iowa. There he met Moon Mullins (the program director and one of Knut Rockne’s 7 Mules of Notre Dame), Bud Wilkinson (Univ. of Oklahoma), and Don Faurot (Univ. of Missouri). He was the first in four generations of the family who have served as officers in the United States Navy, including myself, my two sons, and both my grandsons (also Eagle Scouts) Pretty good gene pool. My brother always referred to this as dad's "John Wayne" pose. 

 


But I think his most unrecognized talent and accomplishment was as a college physical education professor (later chairman of the department) and track and assistant football coach at Miami University. He wasn’t just a personal friend, teacher and coach, but taught some of the most famous professional and college football coaches at the famous “Cradle of Coaches” at Miami in the 1950’s through the 1970’s. Effectively, he was a personal friend, and/or taught and coached a significant number of these coaches. He personally was inducted into Miami University’s Athletic Hall of Fame in 1970.

 

Those personages included the following:

Col. Earl H.(Red) Blaik, Dartmouth, US Military Academy West Point

George Little, University of Michigan, University of Cincinnati

Webb Eubanks, Baltimore Colts, New York Jets

Ara Parseghian, Northwestern, Notre Dame (Dad's student)

Bo Schembechler, University of Michigan  (Dad's student)

Carmen Cozza, Yale (30 years)  (Dad's student)

Woody Hayes Miami (Ohio), Ohio State

Paul Brown, Cleveland Browns, Cincinnati Bengals (Dad's Team-mate/Friend)

Sid Gilman, Miami (Ohio), Los Angeles Rams, San Diego Chargers

Paul Dietzel, Louisiana State University (Dad's student)

Stu Holcomb, Purdue University

Clive Rush, Boston Patriots (Dad's student)

Ed Biles, Houston Oilers

John Mackovic, Kansas City Chiefs

Johnny Pont, University of Indiana, Yale (Dad's student)

Dick Crum, University of North Carolina  (Dad's student)

John McVay, University of Dayton, San Francisco '49ers (Dad's student)

Jim Root, New Hampshire (Dad's student)

Bill Mallory, Miami, University of Colorado (Dad's student)

Doc Urich, Northern Illinois (Dad's student)

George Blackburn, University of Cincinnati

Bob Whittake, Bowling Green University

Joe Galat, Montreal Concordes

Tom Reed, North Carolina State University

Dick Adams, University of Hawaii-Maui

Tom Dimitroff, Guelph University(Canada)

Nick Mourouzis  DePauw University

Bill Narduzzi, Youngstown State University

Ron Zook, University of Florida

Rick Carter, University of Dayton, Holy Cross

John Harbaugh, Baltimore Ravens

Sean McVay, Los Angeles Rams


As a Reserve Captain in Naval Intelligence I attended a course given by the National Defense University for senior officers. Also attending the same course was a Colonel in the US Marine Corps Reserve. It was Wes Santee, renowned world record setting track star of the University of Kansas. It was truly one of the finest compliments paid to my dad when Wes referred to him as Coach Gordon. He was a Coach of Coaches.  

 

Playing high school football I can distinctly remember our coach Al Tanner (coached all sports), being ably assisted by two “student teachers”, Ara Parseghian, and Carmen Cozza, who in-turn were taught by my father.  Dad never pushed my bother Will or myself in athletics, but he both encouraged and coached  the two of us in all our endeavors. Thank you and God bless you Dad!

Tuesday, February 18, 2025

Addendum to the Honeywell HARP (Honeywell Advanced Research Program)

The following document declassified from the United States State Department's historical archives provides an insight to the planning for Project AZORIAN, and an addendum to a previous blog article; https://arnhemjim.blogspot.com/2020/05/when-is-harp-is-not-refinance-of-your.html

The State Department's Historical Archives is officially recognized and gratitude expressed. The individual who formulated and submitted the plan is not identified, however its recipient Henry Kissinger then US Secretary of State, and as Chairman the 40 Committee is recognized. Although not so marked the original document must have been at least classified Top Secret (SCI) and was subsequently declassified.

"Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XXXV, National Security Policy, 1973–1976

186. Memorandum to the Chairman of the 40 Committee (Kissinger)1

Washington, May 28, 1974.

SUBJECT

  • Project AZORIAN Mission Proposal

1. This is an operational mission of [less than 1 line not declassified], planned for the period June–October 1974. The mission has been assigned [less than 1 line not declassified] code name of Project AZORIAN. The objective is the recovery of a major portion of the Soviet GOLF II CLASS submarine #722 from the ocean bottom in the North Central Pacific. 

2. Situation: 

The AZORIAN Program recovery platform, HUGHES GLOMAR EXPLORER, ostensibly a deep ocean mining vessel, completed a series of extensive system tests and crew training off the west coast of California on 12 May 1974. Several difficulties, now resolved, were encountered during the test program. These tests have disclosed no technical deficiencies which would indicate that the mission cannot be successfully performed. The Mission Director—the senior U.S. Government officer on board, who heads the Mission Team—stated in his summary message following the completion of these tests:

“All tests at 2,800 feet have been completed. In spite of the fact that we have had to work through many problems, all systems have worked satisfactorily. The crew has performed extremely well. I am convinced that they are qualified to begin the mission . . . It is my recommendation that following the upcoming refit and crew rest period we begin the mission (on or about 15 June).”

The ship is now in Long Beach, California undergoing final system preparations for mission readiness. If approval to depart in mid-June is received, the ship would depart Long Beach, and at normal cruising speed arrive in the vicinity of the target in fourteen days, following which the recovery operation could commence. (See Tab A.) It is mandatory that recovery operation be initiated as early as possible in the “annual weather window”—the period between 15 June and 13 August2—when there is the highest probability for sea conditions in that area of the North Pacific within which the recovery system can be successfully operated. Nominally, the on-site recovery operation would require approximately three weeks. However, if an [Page 870] allowance is included for holds caused by extreme weather or other contingencies, this period could be as long as six weeks. 

As noted above, the time used to effect resolution of technical problems encountered in sea trials has required a curtailment of the deep water test as well as the simulated mining legs which were intended to further condition the USSR to the operation of the HUGHES GLOMAR EXPLORER. While simulated mining legs in the Hawaiian area would have generated additional publicity and would have provided the Soviets with further opportunities to observe the vessel, there was no assurance that that would occur. Deletion of these legs will not unravel the cover nor reduce the import of the considerable publicity in the media and trade journals developed over the past four years. Ostensibly the rationale for proceeding directly to the retrieval site is to determine “weather constraints on the mining system”. Analysis of these changes indicates that this new scenario remains compatible with a commercial mining hardware test and evaluation program. To the public, all time at sea since departing Chester, Pennsylvania, has been related to mining system tests. These activities have received considerable publicity. Conduct of tests to determine “weather constraints on the mining system” in an area where data exists on the sea floor terrain and where manganese nodules exist is consistent with the logic of the deep ocean mining cover. It is reasonably certain that the Soviets are cognizant of the existance of the HUGHES GLOMAR EXPLORER and its purported deep ocean mining role by virtue of the extensive publicity, Soviet over head reconnaissance, and the observational opportunities Soviet vessels have had at Long Beach. 

3. Background 

The Soviet GOLF II CLASS submarine #722 was lost in the North Central Pacific, in March 1968, following which there was an extensive, but unsuccessful, search for the wreckage by the USSR. 

[2½ lines not declassified] the Chairman, United States Intelligence Board (USIB) established the G #722 as the highest priority target [less than 1 line not declassified] in August 1970. On 23 May 1974 the Chairman, USIB revalidated the requirement and indicated that “recovery of the AZORIAN submarine would provide information which can be obtained from no other source, on subjects of great importance to the national defense.” (See Tab B.)3 In October 1970, the AZORIAN Program was authorized [less than 1 line not declassified] to proceed with hardware acquisition and planning for recovery of the G #722. This decision was made recognizing that there was no other asset capable of satisfying at that time or in the fore [Page 871] seeable future, this USIB requirement. The major categories of equipment and related documents expected to be acquired include: 

Cryptographic Equipments 

Nuclear Warhead 

SS–N–5 Missile 

Navigation and Fire Control System 

Sonar and ASW Countermeasures Equipments 

4. Command and Control: 

[2½ lines not declassified] The authority for direction and control of the mission operations is delegated to the Director, Program B (DPB). The Mission Director is the senior U.S. Government command authority embarked in HUGHES GLOMAR EXPLORER and is in tactical command of operations.

[3 lines not declassified] There is provision for reliable and secure communications between the Control Center and the ship. In the remote possibility that the HUGHES GLOMAR EXPLORER is subjected to severe hostile reaction by the USSR, plans have been developed to shift the ashore command and control [less than 1 line not declassified] to CINCPACFLT, in concert with higher authority. If the mission is compromised or at any other time, higher authority has the option of initiating a bilateral dialogue with the Soviet Union via the “hot line” or by other means in order to defuse the situation thus reducing the possibility of military confrontation at sea. However, mission success is predicated on the commercial mining cover withstanding the closest scrutiny, short of a complete compromise of the program mission. An evaluation of cover adequacy is noted in paragraph 6 below.

5. Schedule: 

Recovery mission evolutions are planned to be accomplished against the following schedule subsequent to the departure of the HUGHES GLOMAR EXPLORER from Long Beach, California:

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Assuming 15 June Departure

Transit from Long Beach to Target Site 

14 days 

29 June

Target Recovery Operation 

21–42 days 

30 June to 20 July–10 Aug.

Completed:

[less than 1 line not declassified] Enroute to Midway Island

21 days

10–31 Aug.

Midway Island [less than 1 line not declassified]

3 days

13 Aug.–3 Sept.

Post-Midway [less than 1 line not declassified] Lahaina Roads

28 days

10 Sept.–1 Oct.

[less than 1 line not declassified]

4 days

14 Sept.–5 Oct.

[less than 1 line not declassified]

10 days

24 Sept.–15 Oct.

Transit to West Coast

7 days

1 Oct.–22 Oct.

TOTAL:

108–129 days4

1–22 Oct.

6. Deep Ocean Mining Cover Evaluation: 

From the outset it has been recognized that there could be no overt U.S. Government involvement in AZORIAN without attracting close Soviet scrutiny, and possible realization of the actual purpose for the program. The alternative was to structure the program as a commercial venture. The determination reached was that deep ocean mining would be particularly suitable. The industry was in its infancy, potentially quite profitable, with no one apparently committed to a hardware development phase and thereby possessing a yardstick by which credibility could be measured. Hughes Tool Company’s (later Summa Corporation) participation as the sponsor and sole source of funding was a logical selection. Mr. Howard Hughes is the only stockholder; he is recognized as a pioneering entrepreneur with a wide variety of business interests; he has the necessary financial resources; he habitually operates in secrecy; and, his personal eccentricities are such that news media reporting and speculation about his activities frequently range from the truth to utter fiction. The contractor team was chosen in light of their considerable experience and competence in the deep ocean arena: Global Marine, Inc.—ship construction and system operation; Lockheed Missiles and Space Co.—capture vehicle (ostensibly the mining machine); and Honeywell, Inc.—automatic station keeping and data processing.

After more than three years of carefully managed ocean mining cover planning, development and evaluation, certain conclusions concerning cover credibility and continued viability are considered reasonable:

a. The Summa Corporation Deep Ocean Mining Project (DOMP) is recognized and accepted by the media, both news and technical, for that which it purports to be. The DOMP has been the subject of attention in a variety of technical and trade journals.

[Page 873] 

b. There is substantive evidence that the Summa project is accepted in the commercial world, both domestic and foreign, as a legitimate prototype mining enterprise. (See Tab C.)5

c. There is no evidence that the Soviets consider the deep ocean mining program to be anything but a mining venture. USSR scientific and academic institutions rely heavily on U.S. scientific and technical publications for knowledge of our activities in those arenas.

d. The classified elements of the AZORIAN recovery system hardware and mission scenario have been explained in terms of a deep ocean mining program.

7. Security: 

Security is recognized as critical in maintaining the commercial cover of the operation. Though judged to be particularly effective through the present, security is known to be affected by the number of persons involved and by the passage of time. A minimal amount of speculation departing from the cover facade is known to have occurred and is discussed more fully under Tab D.

8. [1 paragraph (8 lines) not declassified]

9. Crew Remains: 

Provisions for handling and disposition of the target crew remains are generally in accordance with the 1949 Geneva Convention. [less than 1 line not declassified] They will be handled with due respect and returned to the ocean bottom [less than 1 line not declassified] This approach was agreed to by the Interagency Contingency Review Committee (ICRC) on 8 May 1974. (See Tab E.)

10. Mission Assessment: 

Certain conditions precedent and conclusions combine to support the assessment that the AZORIAN mission can be accomplished without incident: 

a. The recovery site is in international waters about 1,200 nm from the Soviet land mass, removed from commercial shipping lanes, and not in proximity to normal USSR or U.S. naval operating areas, except that the site does lie within the 500 nm wide USSR submarine transit lane. 

b. There is no evidence that the Soviets are sensitive to the mission site because of the G–722 loss. All indications point to their unawareness of the G–722 wreckage location. The search effort mounted by the USSR (at least 53 aircraft and 37 ships) during a two-month period, March–May 1968 proved unsuccessful. Since that time, no further Soviet search or operational activity related to that loss has been noted. This is in marked contrast to the frequent Soviet presence at the site of their NOVEMBER class submarine lost in the Atlantic. Because of the massive Soviet [Page 874] search effort, we can assume they are aware the U.S. knows of the G–722 loss, but they have shown no awareness of U.S. knowledge of the location. Furthermore, there has been no undue Soviet apprehension of the presence of U.S. hydrographic or survey ships in the loss area on numerous occasions since 1968. [less than 1 line not declassified] programmed surface surveys of the target site and general area were conducted to collect site data, enhance mining cover, and to test Soviet sensitivity to the site. The first (Project AXMINSTER), conducted by GLOMAR II during September 1970 to January 1971, received close USSR surveillance. This was attributed not to any Soviet sensitivity to the site, per se, but because the ship had intruded into the transit lane of the initial deployment of a USSR Y Class submarine to the East Pacific. The Soviet reactions to the AXMINSTER operation were subsequently analyzed by a panel [less than 1 line not declassified] (Details of the operation and the panel’s findings are contained in Tab F.) The second survey, ostensibly for future mining sites, was conducted by R.V. SEASCOPE during January-to-July 1972. The SEASCOPE operated within 45 miles of the target location and no Soviet reaction to this operation was noted. 

c. As stated above, there has been no indication that the Soviets question the authenticity of the Summa Deep Ocean Mining Program. In this regard, it is believed that any USSR requirements for information relating to the HUGHES GLOMAR EXPLORER would lie within their scientific and economic (not the military) communities and can largely be satisfied through open U.S. sources. The only requirement expected from the military would be as part of an assessment of the activity of all ships approaching within 1,500 nm of the Soviet land mass. As the HUGHES GLOMAR EXPLORER offers no military threat, chances of surveillance are problematic, yet may occur due to the site being in a Soviet submarine transit lane or due to curiosity of the technical/economic aspects of the program. 

d. Soviet opportunity to see the vessel thus far has been in satellite photography or by crews of Soviet commercial vessels visiting Long Beach or Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 

e. A thorough and systematic examination of the threat to the AZORIAN platform by Soviet surveillance throughout all phases of its deployment has produced only a limited number of vulnerabilities. Each exists in the very near field around the ship and can be exploited only by the Soviets using highly specialized collection equipment and techniques not considered to be deployed or available to the most probable group of potential surveillance platforms. An exception to this finding is possible leakage of residual plutonium (if present) from the target into the ship wake during its final preparation for entry into the ship’s center well. During this period any surface ship could collect a water sample and return it to shore for analysis at a later date. The entire AZORIAN recovery system has been designed to deny from [Page 875] even close and continuous surveillance the true purpose of AZORIAN mission operations. 

f. Operational planning is reflected in the AZORIAN Mission Operations Plan, the Contingency Operations Plan (Tab G), and Cover Contingency Plan (Tab H) (as reviewed by ICRC), and the CINCPACFLT Support Plan.

11. AZORIAN Program Phaseout: 

Ancillary to the aforementioned comprehensive preparations essential to successful mission execution are adequate provisions for an orderly and constructive AZORIAN Program phaseout. Those provisions must afford a logical evolution in the “cover rationale” to protect the value of the AZORIAN intelligence product, and minimize the possibility of U.S. Government and contractor embarrassment. Among the options available is use of AZORIAN hardware (the HUGHES GLOMAR EXPLORER, heavy lift pipe and electromagnetic cable) for several months following the mission in an actual commercial deep ocean mining development program. This involvement of contractors would provide needed cover reinforcement and transition to ultimate disposition of AZORIAN assets.

12. Conclusions: 

I have carefully reviewed the technical aspects of the AZORIAN program and have reached the following conclusions: 

a. The AZORIAN system has the capability to recover the target section of the G–722. 

b. Additional testing would add to my confidence level. However, such testing would cause a significant time loss of the early part of the favorable weather window. Much delay would have an adverse effect on the probability of success of the mission. It should be noted that certain tests (bottom sitting and full load) were never planned. Extensive sub-system testing and the redundancy capabilities designed in the system provide the maximum probability of success for those untested operations.

c. The mission team is technically trained and psychologically ready for the mission. I am particularly impressed with the capabilities that the mission team has shown in working around problems which occurred during sea test activities.

d. I further believe that the commercial mining cover program has been successful. There has been no indication of a serious breach in that cover. However, I must remain concerned that some exposure might occur if the program were delayed for a year. Such exposure could eliminate the possibility of conducting the operation in 1975. 

13. Recommendation: 

In view of the above, I believe that we would have the maximum probability of success by initiating the mission as soon as the ship is ready; that is, on [Page 876] or about 15 June. Therefore, it is recommended that the AZORIAN Recovery Mission be authorized to proceed as defined herein and in accordance with the attachments to this memorandum."