Monday, August 26, 2024

Cambridge Communist Spies connection with Operation Market-Garden


Soviet double agent Anthony Blunt may have helped Hitler too.

In 1979 the art historian was outed as one of the Cambridge spies recruited by Stalin. Shocking new evidence suggests he may also have passed deadly secrets to the Nazis, Robert Verkaik reports

 

Left, a 1963 portrait of the Soviet spy Anthony Blunt, when he was surveyor of the Queen’s pictures, by Lord Snowdon. Right, allied paratroopers over the Netherlands during Operation Market Garden, September 1944. Their mission was betrayed to the Germans.

With full acknowledgment and expressed gratitude to Robert Verkaik and the London Sunday Times the following article is quoted. 

Robert Verkaik

Saturday April 27 2024, 6.00pm BST, The Sunday Times

"This is not the story I intended to tell. I set out to write a book about a distant relative, Eddy Verkaik, who had fought in the Dutch resistance during the Second World War. Eddy had helped alert the British to the treachery of a fellow Dutch resistance fighter — a terrifying giant of a man known as “King Kong”: Christiaan Lindemans. 

Lindemans had betrayed Operation Market Garden, the ambitious and ill-fated Allied airborne mission that dropped thousands of paratroopers into the Nazi-occupied Netherlands, the 80th anniversary of which falls this September. Had it succeeded, it would have kicked open the door to the heart of Germany and brought the conflict to a speedy end. In the event the Allies lost more than 17,000 men in what was to be their final defeat of the war. 

But one day in the archive everything changed. I discovered a second double agent had betrayed Operation Market Garden to the Germans — a spy codenamed Josephine, whom history had all but forgotten and whose identity has never been revealed. As I started to pull on that thread, who should pop out but Anthony Blunt, one of the Cambridge spies — the group of upper-class double agents who, for years during the Second World War and the Cold War, passed British and American secrets to their communist masters in Russia. 

For decades Blunt has widely been regarded as one of the more harmless of that group. But my research would suggest he was perhaps the most devastatingly treacherous — and without realising it I had uncovered one of the greatest spy mysteries of the 20th century, a story with ramifications that are still felt to this day.


Anthony Blunt, left, with fellow students at Cambridge, 1929.

Of all the Cambridge spies, the privileged sons of the British establishment recruited by Stalin in the 1930s, Blunt remains the most elusive. He was a polymath, a multilingual mathematician, world-famous art historian, surveyor of the Queen’s pictures, knight of the realm. Rumours had swirled about his loyalty for years. In 1964 he secretly “confessed” to being a Russian spy — but extraordinarily was allowed to keep his job in the royal household. 

So when, in 1979, he was named publicly as a double agent by the prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, the establishment of the day went into a frenzy of damage limitation. Blunt lost his knighthood, but otherwise survived remarkably unscathed. 

Most of the Cambridge spies had defected to Russia: Guy Burgess and Donald Maclean fled there in 1951 and 12 years later they would be joined by Kim Philby. While they were drinking themselves to death in their dingy Moscow flats, Blunt continued to bask in the approval of rich and powerful friends who were all at pains to point out that he had passed secrets to the Soviets only while they were our allies during the war. That wasn’t treachery, they said; it was misplaced idealism. Nothing like the others, who were busy passing on nuclear secrets and betraying agents in the field at the height of the Cold War. 

That, to a large extent, is still the general view of Blunt, who died of a heart attack at his home in Highgate, north London, in 1983, aged 75: the most benign of the group in terms of the damage done and the betrayal wrought; notable as much for cropping up in the Netflix show The Crown, played by Samuel West, as anything else.

But his story never really made much sense. The son of a well-connected Hampshire vicar and a distant cousin of the Queen, Blunt had got to Cambridge on a math scholarship but took a first in modern languages and then almost single-handedly created art history as an academic discipline in the UK. He was an intellectual with a global reputation. 

After a brief stint in army intelligence Blunt joined MI5, the UK’s domestic intelligence and security agency, in 1940, by which time he was already working for the Russians. Once he got his foot in the door his career grew wings. During the Blitz he was the personal assistant to the head of counterintelligence; by the end of the war he was writing Churchill’s personal security briefings with a pivotal role at the heart of Allied intelligence. As the spy writer Nigel West put it, “Few spies in history could ever have been presented with such a spectacular opportunity.” Given such a unique position, could he have really done so little with it?

What I would go on to discover was that his betrayals had directly and intentionally aided the Nazi war machine and caused the deaths of thousands of soldiers and civilians. I would come to realise that the establishment version of Blunt as a high-minded, unworldly figure somehow removed from the grubby realities of his treachery was not just a myth but that he was truly monstrous, far more so than any of the other Cambridge spies.


 Blunt was exposed as a Soviet spy and stripped of his knighthood in November 1979, after years in the royal household.

MIRRORPIX

The last Allied defeat of the war

Operation Market Garden retains a romantic hold on the national imagination that puts it alongside Dunkirk and the Battle of Britain. Despite its failure, it is still regarded as the greatest airborne operation in history: 40,000 paratroopers and glider troops (Market) were to be dropped in the Netherlands to secure six bridges over the Rhine, clearing a path for the tanks of XXX Corps (Garden) to push into Germany. 

The D-Day landings in June 1944 had brought the Allies to the brink of victory. One final blow and the whole Nazi carapace would come crashing down. Had it succeeded, the road to Berlin would have been opened. The war could have been over by Christmas, with hundreds of thousands of lives saved.

The brainchild of Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery, it was a huge gamble. The marshy terrain of the polders made for treacherous going. Above all, the air drop was at the limit of operational range and on a scale never attempted before. British tanks would have 48 hours to cover 64 miles and link up with the 1st British Airborne Division, who were to land by glider and parachute around the town of Arnhem and secure the last bridge over the Rhine — immortalised in the 1977 film A Bridge Too Far.

At 2.30pm on Sunday, September 17, the tanks of the Irish Guards started their advance towards Eindhoven. After just half an hour, the antitank guns of Kampfgruppe Walther, a unit cobbled together by the German commanders, ripped into the British column. Sixty miles away, 20,000 British and American paratroopers had landed and marched to Arnhem and Nijmegen. They too ran into unexpected resistance from the improvised 9th and 10th SS Panzer Divisions.

British troops were taken prisoner by the Germans during the Battle of Arnhem — the Allies’ final defeat of the war.

German reinforcements flooded in. Bitter fighting ensued for three days, until the last paras at Arnhem surrendered with the tanks of XXX Corps just ten miles away. The losses were devastating: Allied casualties amounted to more than 17,000.

Consequently, it was to be the Russians who would win the race to Berlin, redrawing the map of Europe and paving the way for the Iron Curtain.

At Arnhem the Allies had expected little resistance, but were met by a German force that was resilient and prepared. Was that just because they were battle-hardened veterans or had Market Garden been betrayed?

The King Kong problem

I was deep into my research of the biggest German counterintelligence coup of the war, Englandspiel — the England Game, and how Christiaan “King Kong” Lindemans, a hero of the Dutch resistance, had been passing secrets to the Germans. After the D-Day landings, when Allied victory was all but inevitable, he mystified the Germans by volunteering to continue to spy for them. Lindemans would cross and recross the front lines, bringing intelligence to his Nazi paymasters and in particular warn them — several times, in increasing detail — of the vast airborne attack.

In truth, Lindemans’s story is far from unknown, although experts disagree on how important a figure he was. In the UK most military historians have little regard for the impact of his treachery. The story is very different in the Netherlands, whose people suffered so terribly, and certainly in the immediate aftermath of Market Garden there were many senior figures who regarded his betrayal as crucial. The point everyone can agree on is that the Germans did an unexpectedly brilliant job of improvising a defence. 

After a couple of years of following the archival trail, I found a secret report in the National Archives in Kew dating from 1946 about a meeting between a British intelligence officer and Lindemans at the prison in the Hague where he was being held on treason charges. According to the files, the officer discovered that Lindemans and his wife were working for the Russians. Lindemans then named leading communist agents operating in key positions in the West. Within days Lindemans was dead, supposedly by suicide — although there is strong evidence he was the victim of a poisoning. (The Kremlin playbook hasn’t changed very much over the years.)

An MI5 report on Christiaan Lindemans, codenamed ‘King Kong’, a Dutch double agent blamed for the betrayal of Operation Market Garden.

The second spy: who was ‘Josephine’?

The Russian link was an unexpected twist that led me to a separate file in Amsterdam, and a reference to another warning that the Germans had received about Market Garden. This second briefing was sent to Berlin the day before the Allied airborne assault by a spy codenamed Josephine. What was even more puzzling was that it was clear that the accuracy of this second warning was far greater than the intelligence passed on by Lindemans.

If I was surprised, the reaction from British intelligence and Allied military planners at the time was something close to panic. Who on earth was Josephine? It turned out that because of a bureaucratic error the warning didn’t reach the German generals until the armada of Allied aircraft, carrying the first lift of paratroopers, had already crossed the Dutch border and so those historians who were even aware of it have dismissed its significance. Yet this intelligence included a detailed order of battle and strategic objectives. 

Josephine even neutralised MI5’s own double agents who had been sending deceptive messages to the Germans saying that any airborne attack in the Netherlands would be a dummy run and the real target was Scandinavia. On September 17 the German high command issued a briefing to field commanders warning them of this. 

The view from the British intelligence establishment at the time was far from sanguine. MI5 had assured the cabinet that there was not a single Nazi spy on British shores who hadn’t been exposed and arrested or turned. Now it appeared the Nazis had a mole at the heart of the war effort. The British codebreakers of Bletchley Park, alerted by the American Office of Strategic Services, the forerunner to the CIA, had been monitoring Agent Josephine for more than a year, since mid-1943, when an MI5 officer described her reports as “the best illicit intelligence derived by the enemy from this country which I have seen”.

By late summer 1943 British intelligence had identified the German spymaster running Josephine as Karl Heinz Kraemer, a lawyer operating out of the German embassy in Stockholm. Kraemer’s reports were so trusted that they were read verbatim by Hitler himself. Alfred Jodl, the German chief of staff, and Walter Schellenberg, the head of the Nazi secret service, also regarded Josephine as their top source of Allied intelligence. 

The German spy handler Karl Heinz Kraemer in prison in England after his arrest in Germany in May 1945.

The threat from Josephine was all too real and MI5 handed the job of tracking her down to one of their top men, a rising star who was already tipped to be director general — none other than Anthony Blunt.

Blunt’s investigations in 1943 were supported by a cast of sub-agents, many of whom were his former lovers. Blunt, who was gay, recruited them independently and ran them outside of MI5. He and his team chased a succession of leads that led nowhere. But then at the end of the year there was an apparent breakthrough by MI6, the intelligence agency that runs a network of spies overseas.

As luck would have it, MI6’s man in Stockholm, Peter Falk, had befriended Kraemer’s housekeeper earlier that year and persuaded her to pass on intelligence. As well as copying documents that she found in his office, she managed to press the key to Kraemer’s personal safe into a pat of butter. From the impression it made, Falk was able to send measurements to London. By some miracle the key they sent back fitted perfectly, giving London a line deep into the mystery of Josephine. The problem was Kraemer himself didn’t appear at all sure who Josephine was, or where her information came from. 

One tranche of papers was deemed so sensitive that Falk decided to fly back to London to deliver the information in person. On December 23, 1943, he met Blunt for dinner at the Reform Club and passed across the table documents that seemed to suggest a Russian link to Josephine. Falk records in his unpublished memoir that Blunt became uncharacteristically angry, insisting that there could be no such connection, before gathering up the papers, warning Falk to say nothing and promising to investigate. There is no record that Blunt did any such thing, nor that he made any report of what he had been told.

Shortly afterwards Blunt was to identify Josephine as a loose-lipped Swedish diplomat called Frank Cervell, to whom he had been able to feed false intelligence: sure enough, the flow of Josephine’s accurate and damaging material was stemmed. It looked as if Blunt had got his man. But then a strange thing happened. As preparations began in earnest for the D-Day landings of June 1944, Josephine piped up again. 

The D-Day deception

D-Day, the British and American invasion of Nazi-occupied Europe, was one of the greatest intelligence coups of this or any war. British intelligence (it was a joint MI5/MI6 operation) had an agent in Spain, one Juan Pujol Garcia, codenamed Garbo, masquerading as a fanatical Nazi who passed information to the Germans and deceived them into believing that any attack in Normandy was a feint and that the real attack would come around Calais. It was stunningly successful; the Germans held back vital Panzer tank reinforcements for days in anticipation of an attack that never came. Despite the fact that he had got it so wrong, Pujol was even awarded the Iron Cross for his services to the Reich. 

Juan Pujol Garcia, codenamed Garbo, fed disinformation to the Germans to divert troops from the D-Day landings at Normandy.

Garbo was one of the most closely guarded secrets of the war, known only to a tiny number of intelligence officers — one of whom was Anthony Blunt — and yet it transpired that Josephine had been passing on the same disinformation to the Germans. When this fact emerged after the war, Lieutenant Colonel Roger Fleetwood Hesketh, who had been a key member of the D-Day deception team, was baffled and dismayed to discover that “Josephine had been playing with our toys”. After the war, Jodl, the chief of the German staff, was adamant it was Josephine’s intelligence that had been the most significant reason for Hitler holding back reinforcements.

After D-Day, Josephine’s tactics changed: she now began to pass on worryingly accurate information about the Allied war effort, culminating (but not ending in) the hugely detailed Market Garden intelligence, which, at the time it was sent to Kraemer, was still known by only a handful of senior Allied officers. 

Clearly Blunt had got the wrong man. And it was at this point that I began to seriously wonder what he had been up to. It was as if he was deliberately looking the wrong way. Could it be that Blunt was Josephine and had been tasked with investigating himself? How could that make any sense? After all, Blunt was a Russian spy not a German one. 

The race to Berlin

Of course in 1944, after the success of D-Day, it was unthinkable that a senior British figure could be passing secrets to the Nazis. Apart from anything else, who would be willing to risk execution for treason in pursuit of a losing cause?

However, thwarting Operation Market Garden was of strategic importance not just to the Nazis but to Russia too. Stalin had wanted D-Day to succeed because it would open up a second front in Europe and draw German troops away from the Russian front. But if Market Garden was successful the Americans and British would arrive in Berlin first, while Stalin’s troops remained stranded hundreds of miles to the east. As Vladimir Putin recently reminded us, Stalin was less concerned about the struggle against fascism than winning the “great patriotic war”. It was about advancing Russian interests and, above all, that meant getting to Berlin and dominating eastern Europe. Without that victory, there would have been no Berlin Wall and the Iron Curtain, the line of communist rule that cut Europe in half at the war’s end, would have extended barely beyond the borders of Russia. Josephine’s leaks align with Stalin’s strategic goals to a remarkable degree.

On May 12, 1945, a British special forces unit based in Denmark captured Kraemer, the German spymaster who was the conduit for Josephine’s intelligence, in an office at Flensburg, a town in the north of Germany that was serving as the country’s foreign office. Five days after being roused from the bed he was sharing with his secretary, Kraemer arrived in England for interrogation. Leading the investigation was Anthony Blunt.

MI6 continued to insist that Kraemer was being fed intelligence by a source in London and asked Blunt to investigate links to Moscow, following reports that Kraemer was working for the Russians. According to one of the MI5 memos, Blunt responded by saying this line of questioning was “flogging a dead horse” and that he strongly believed Kraemer was mostly telling the truth about his contacts, who he said were Japanese diplomats and Hungarian agents operating from the Iberian peninsula. 

By now many of Kraemer’s colleagues from German intelligence had also fallen into Allied hands. One of them was his boss, Walter Schellenberg, who was certain that Josephine had helped the Germans by providing a detailed description of Allied battle plans around the Dutch town of Arnhem, near the German border — a critical point in Operation Market Garden.

At 3pm on September 17, just two hours after Allied paratrooper and glider landings had begun, two SS Panzer Divisions, the 9th and 10th, were sent immediately to engage the enemy at Arnhem and nearby Nijmegen, an order that is credited with playing a decisive role in securing the German victory. There is a strong case to be made that the speed of their deployment was as a result of the intelligence the Germans had received. 

MI6 continued to faithfully pass on the Arnhem information to the MI5 interrogators, but none of these allegations were ever put to Kraemer. Instead, just as the year before, a succession of false leads were followed and went nowhere until, on Blunt’s orders, the case was quietly dropped and Kraemer was sent back to Germany on October 26, 1945.

He was declared by the British to be an “inveterate liar”, a justification that MI5 used as the reason for refusing to share its reports on Kraemer’s interrogation with the Americans. Given that it was American intelligence that had first alerted the British to the existence of a high-level Nazi agent codenamed Josephine, this must have seemed an act of extraordinary hypocrisy.

It was one of Blunt’s last official duties as an MI5 officer. He spent much of early 1946 in Germany, where, among other things, he recovered Edward VIII’s deeply compromising fan letters to Hitler. It seems likely there were numerous other royals to be disentangled from their enthusiasm for the Nazi cause, as well as royal art to track down, and that all this was to provide him with a healthy store of kompromat against the royal family that was to protect him for the rest of his life, as well as get him his job as surveyor of the King’s pictures. 

The elusive ‘Major Blunt’

The official story of Josephine is told in a 300-page report commissioned by the British secret services in the 1970s. Written by the retired intelligence officer Patricia McCallum, it calls itself, simply enough, a report into “the Kraemer (or Josephine) case”. No explanation is given as to why, thirty-odd years after the event, MI5 were still scratching their heads. 

The report was declassified in 2003 when MI5 quietly released it into the National Archives. It painstakingly examines how Kraemer had received the Arnhem report from Josephine on the eve of Market Garden, and presents in great detail how MI5 and MI6 had mounted a forlorn hunt to establish the mole’s identity. 

McCallum noted that MI6 and MI5 had bitterly disagreed over the provenance of the intelligence. MI6 were convinced Josephine was a real agent working out of London. MI5, guided by Blunt, had come to deny her very existence and said Kraemer had invented her to hide from Berlin the fact he didn’t have any real agents. Certainly Kraemer never met Josephine and had no idea who or what she was. He merely received her intelligence from a variety of sources and passed it on to his masters in Berlin.

Blunt granted an interview to The Times after going into hiding in 1979.

REX

McCallum notes how odd it is that no investigation into the Arnhem betrayal had taken place immediately after it came to light. Thirty-plus years later, having been asked to conduct her inquiries, she concludes that it is impossible to discover who had given away the Arnhem intelligence. She writes: “Finally, it must be admitted that the Kraemer case is and will always remain something of a mystery.”

Yet there is one name at the heart of the Josephine inquiry that raises questions the report doesn’t even begin to address. A certain “Maj. Blunt” strolls in and out of its pages without the author once mentioning that this is that Major Blunt, the Russian double agent. When McCallum came to write her report, Blunt had admitted his treachery a decade earlier. So why wasn’t his double agent status taken into account? It is surely worth a mention if one is looking into how vital operational intelligence came to be passed to Britain’s enemies? 

Why was Blunt being treated as if he was just another bona fide intelligence officer? Why was it that McCallum makes no reference to the fact that Blunt had also led the 1943-44 investigation into the identity of Josephine? McCallum refers to the earlier investigation often, but without ever mentioning Blunt. The oddities mount up, but perhaps the most startling is the moment when, in reference to the D-Day deception, she writes cheerfully: “One thing is certain. Had Josephine been a real agent, she would have had to be a member of the deception staff!’’ Anthony Blunt was a member of the deception staff.

The reality is that just as Christiaan Lindemans’s treachery only really makes sense when seen through a Russian lens, so it is that Josephine only really makes sense as Blunt. The alternatives are either that there really was a fervent Nazi at the heart of the Allied war effort who operated in secret and then disappeared from view having fooled every single intelligence agency in the world, or that Kraemer was such an inspired liar that he was able to invent Allied battle plans with startling accuracy. Neither alternative stacks up. 

The cover-up: Kim Philby steps in

A smoking gun, if there is one, is hidden in the files of either the British or Russian secret services and there it will for ever remain. But Anthony Blunt had motive, means and opportunity in spades. He could also rely on a highly organised and well-resourced network of Russian agents and British traitors working out of London and Stockholm. Russian intelligence had a large official presence in London from 1941. It was all too easy for him to pass on at least 1,700 secret documents to Moscow and, if he was Josephine, then he was the apex of a well-oiled Russian disinformation machine cherry-picking what to feed back to the Germans.

By 1944 Blunt was writing Churchill’s security briefings; he was the liaison for intelligence sharing between MI5 and MI6; he had an oversight role on the deception committee. He was also in charge of the Triplex operation, still secret today, that intercepted every single diplomatic bag from Allies and neutral countries with embassies in London. It was this role that gave him the most likely means to pass on intelligence to the Nazis. The Arnhem warning was delivered directly to Kraemer by diplomatic mail. If that failed there were regular commercial flights to Stockholm from Scotland and he even had the extensive Iberian spy network of his fellow Cambridge spy Kim Philby to call on. 

Blunt’s fellow spy Kim Philby, right, in 1955.

HULTON ARCHIVE / GETTY IMAGES

The day after the Arnhem betrayal an emotional Blunt contacted his Russian handler to say that he was quitting. The Russians responded by love-bombing their agent and at the end of September 1944 Blunt met his handler, Boris Kreshin, in London. The Russians wanted to pass on to Blunt how delighted they were with their English spy and Kreshin took great pride in reading out a commendation from the Kremlin. It was accompanied with a £100 payment, worth about £6,000 today. Until then Blunt had always been careful not to accept money from the Russians as he maintained his treachery was motivated by political ideology. This time he gratefully accepted the cash. 

Tellingly, it was Philby — then in charge of anticommunism as head of MI6’s Section IX — who oversaw the handling of the Kraemer case after Blunt’s retirement from the secret services in 1945, at the age of 38. And it was Philby who kept the Americans at bay when they began asking tricky questions about Josephine and Kraemer. 

Philby would become the most famous of the Cambridge spies. But if Blunt really was Josephine then that not only places him as the most important member of the group, but arguably the most influential spy in history. His actions contributed to the deaths of tens of thousands of Allied servicemen and women and countless civilians who perished as a result of a prolonged war. The million or more German women who were raped by the Russians in the aftermath of their victory can also be laid at his door, as well as the decades of brutal oppression under the Soviet yoke suffered by millions more citizens of eastern Europe. His actions shaped the history of the 20th century and continue to shape the world today.

The Traitor of Arnhem by Robert Verkaik (Headline £20) is published by Headline on May 9. To order a copy go to timesbookshop.co.uk. Discount available for Times+ members."


Thursday, August 15, 2024

Forthcoming 80th Anniversary of Operation Market-Garden and Arnhem Jim Blog Origin

It is rapidly approaching the 80th Anniversary of Operation Market-Garden, the World War II Battle of Arnhem (September 17-25 1944). It was a specific interest in this battle that initiated the Arnhem Jim blog in 2011, and which has provided the impetus for its growth and continuation to date. Suffices that the author’s companion interest in toy-soldiers/military miniatures, has served as a parallel vehicle for an apparent equal reader interest.

This being the case through the coincident introduction in 1983 and 2007, of two series of miniatures conveniently named “Arnhem ’44” and “Market-Garden” by Andy C. Nielson of King & County Miliary Miniatures located in Hong Kong. Of coincidence, being this author’s opportunity to serve as technical consultant on one of his series military vehicles (Universal “Bren” Carrier, M Mk III).

However, returning to the principal subject of the anniversary of the battle, the author has spent over a decade of research and analysis documented in the blog; http://arnhemjim.blogspot.com/p/operation-market-garden.html


It is always gratifying as a rank amateur military historian, to be effectively acknowledged as correct by an established best selling author, and former active duty British Army officer, Antony Beevor.

With full acknowledgement and expressed gratitude the following recent article condenses analysis from his book, ARNHEM; The Battle for the Bridges, (Viking 2018).


"Why Operation Market Garden, the Allies' battle for Arnhem, was a disaster in the planning

Antony Beevor

Market Garden, the ill-fated Allied operation to break through the German defences in the Netherlands in September 1944, is often portrayed as a risky yet worthy gamble. In truth, argues historian Antony Beevor, it was a flawed idea from the start, more driven by ego than practical considerations.




There are many myths about the battle for Arnhem and Operation Market Garden. Historians of the battle have often been tempted into the ‘if-only’ trap. If only this, or if only that, had been different, then it would all have turned out to be a brilliant success. This cherry-picking of faults is a grave distraction from the harsh fact that Market Garden was a perfect example of how not to plan an airborne operation.

Market Garden was one of the greatest Allied disasters of the Second World War – immortalised in the 1977 film A Bridge Too Far. The plan was for Allied paratroopers and land forces to launch a combined attack, which would break through German defences in the Netherlands. Beginning on 17 September 1944, it ended in failure just a week later, resulting in thousands of casualties. The British airborne troops who spearheaded the assault suffered particularly badly in their doomed attempt to capture the bridge in the Dutch town of Arnhem.

A month earlier, the mood among the Allies had been very different, as their forces routed the Germans in the concluding phases of the Battle of Normandy. As they advanced towards the Reich, the Allied commanders now had to decide on the next step to take. It was here that the disastrous plan was born.

At the heart of the failure in preparation lay the ambition of Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery, who had commanded the Allied ground forces in Normandy. He wanted to seize control of Allied strategy by being first across the Rhine so that General Dwight D Eisenhower, supreme commander of Allied Expeditionary Forces in Europe, would have to give him full priority in supplies and command over American formations. The prospect of ‘jumping the Rhine’ with an airborne operation leading all the way to the bridge at Arnhem, the northern route into Germany, would force the First US Army to support him on his right flank.

 

To do this, Montgomery needed the First Allied Airborne Army, formed on 2 August 1944 on the order of Eisenhower, who thought a single agency was required to coordinate airborne and troop carrier units. Despite Eisenhower’s devotion to balanced Allied relations, its leadership was lopsided. US general Lewis Brereton’s staff consisted mainly of US air force officers. The only senior British officer was Brereton’s deputy, Lieutenant General Frederick Browning. Matters were not helped by a strong mutual dislike between Brereton and ‘Boy’ Browning. The only characteristic the two men shared was vanity.


More like this

Browning, a hawk-faced Grenadier Guards officer with the air of a matinée idol, was married to the author Daphne du Maurier. Although brave, Browning was highly strung. He was desperate to command an airborne corps in action. His barely concealed ambition, combined with a peremptory manner, did not endear him to American paratroop commanders.

On 3 September, Montgomery met General Omar Bradley to discuss an airborne operation in south Belgium across the river Meuse. They agreed to cancel it, as Bradley wanted the troop carrier aircraft to deliver fuel to Patton’s Third Army. But Montgomery had not been straight with Bradley. He promptly ordered his chief of staff to organise an airborne operation “to secure bridges over Rhine between Wesel and Arnhem”. This was to be called Operation Comet, an idea in keeping with Montgomery’s ambition to lead the main push into Germany. Needless to say, Bradley was furious when he discovered that Montgomery had tricked him.


Freezing out the air force

‘Boy’ Browning was far from alone in his desire to use paratroop and glider forces in a decisive way. American generals longed to try out the new airborne army. Churchill also wanted the operation to boost British prestige. Victory euphoria following the rapid Allied advance from Normandy to Belgium fuelled a mood of optimism.

Unfortunately, Montgomery did not want to consult the RAF over Comet, even though the War Office and Air Ministry had agreed, following airborne chaos in the invasion of Sicily in 1943, that the air force side must lead the planning process. Montgomery even called Air Chief Marshal Leigh-Mallory “a gutless bugger” because he had predicted disaster for the airborne drops that had taken place in the assault on Normandy.

On 9 September 1944, the commander of the Polish Independent Parachute Brigade, Major General Sosabowski, joined Roy Urquhart of the First Airborne Division to discuss Comet with Browning. “Sir,” said Sosabowski, “I am very sorry, but this mission cannot possibly succeed.” It would be suicide with such small forces, he said. Browning took deep offence.

In Belgium, General Dempsey, commanding the Second British Army, had just reached similar conclusions to those of Sosabowski. General Horrocks of the British XXX Corps (which would later play a key role in Market Garden) had confirmed that a bridgehead over the Albert Canal in north-east Belgium was “being strongly opposed by the enemy”.

The next morning, Dempsey went to Montgomery’s headquarters and managed to persuade him that Operation Comet was too weak. They needed at least three airborne divisions. Montgomery liked the idea. It would bring the American 82nd and 101st Airborne Divisions under his command. But to Dempsey’s dismay, Montgomery also brandished a signal at him that had arrived from London. The first V2 rockets had landed in England, having apparently been fired from the area of Rotterdam and Amsterdam. For Montgomery, who wanted to go north via Arnhem (Dempsey preferred to go east), this was the just the confirmation he needed to justify his decision.

Dempsey summoned Browning. In just two hours, they put together a plan. Market Garden consisted of two parts. Market was the airborne operation, in which the American 101st and 82nd Airborne Divisions would seize river and canal crossings from Eindhoven to Nijmegen, with the bridges over the rivers Meuse and Waal, the largest in Europe; the British First Airborne Division and the Polish brigade would drop near Arnhem to capture the great road bridge over the Lower Rhine. Operation Garden would consist principally of Horrocks’s XXX Corps, led by tanks, charging north to meet the airborne troops. They would have to travel up a single road, with flood plain on either side broken only by woods and plantations.

Montgomery’s complaints were halted by Eisenhower saying, 'Monty, you can’t speak to me like that'

Montgomery now headed for Brussels aerodrome to see Eisenhower. It was the famous meeting when Montgomery’s tirade of complaints was halted by Eisenhower putting his hand on Montgomery’s knee, and saying: “Monty, you can’t speak to me like that. I’m your boss.” Eisenhower reminded Montgomery that he had previously given him the support of the First Allied Airborne Army, yet this led to no more than a mention of Market Garden. Here, Eisenhower followed standard US Army practice. Having agreed an overall strategy, he did not believe in interfering further.

By the time Montgomery returned to his tactical headquarters, Dempsey had “fixed with [Browning] the outline of the operation”, his diary entry stated. Browning’s excitement was palpable. He sent the codeword ‘New’ from Dempsey’s HQ back to First Allied Airborne Army at Sunninghill Park. This signified that a planning conference was to be called that evening. Brereton must have been affronted that Montgomery had made no attempt to consult him in advance. Eisenhower had ordered that planning should be shared. Montgomery had deliberately ignored this.



Fateful meeting

Twenty-seven senior officers gathered in the Sunninghill Park conference room at 6pm. Astonishingly, neither Urquhart nor Sosabowski had been invited. Browning presented what he and Dempsey had worked out, using an airlift timetable based on an earlier operation. Disingenuously, he implied that it had Eisenhower’s blessing. Brereton and his staff privately dismissed it as just “a tentative skeleton plan”.

They first of all decided that it was to be a day operation because “the supporting air forces available could knock out flak positions in advance”. Brereton then asked Major General Williams of IX Troop Carrier Command to speak. His words must have come as a bombshell to Browning. Most of the key assumptions on which he and Dempsey had worked that day were now thrown in the air. “The lift would have to be modified, due to the distance involved, which precluded the use of double tow lift… single tow only could be employed.” This meant only half the number of gliders could be taken on each lift. And since the mid-September days were shorter and the mornings mistier, Williams ruled out two lifts in a day.

These changes signified that it would take up to three days to deliver the airborne divisions, assuming perfect flying weather. No more assault troops would be landing on the crucial first day than with Comet, because half the force would have to be left behind to guard landing and drop zones for later lifts. And the Germans, having identified Allied intentions, would be able to concentrate troops and anti-aircraft batteries against these areas. Williams’ obdurate attitude might have contained an element of revenge after Montgomery’s refusal to consult the air force side in advance, but Montgomery’s determination to impose an ill-considered plan was the real problem.

At a follow-up meeting, American air force officers more or less dictated the choice of drop and landing zones. Their main priority was to avoid German flak batteries on the way in and out. Major General Williams also rejected the idea of glider-borne coup de main parties (advance assault troops) to seize the main bridges, a key element in Comet.

Troop Carrier Command wanted to stay well away from the key objectives of Arnhem and Nijmegen bridges because of their anti-aircraft defences. At Arnhem, they were also threatened by the Luftwaffe airfield of Deelen just to the north of the town. As a result, the British division was to be dropped well to the west, with an approach march of between six and eight miles to the road bridge through a major town. Surprise, the most vital element in airborne operations, was therefore lost before they even took off.


An ill-conceived idea

Operation Market Garden was quite simply a very bad plan right from the start and right from the top. Every other problem stemmed from that. Montgomery had not shown any interest in the practical problems surrounding airborne operations. He had not taken any time to study the often chaotic experiences of north Africa, Sicily and the drop on the Cotentin peninsula in Normandy. His intelligence chief, Brigadier Bill Williams, also pointed to the way that: “Arnhem depended on a study of the ground [which] Monty had not made when he decided on it.” In fact, Montgomery obstinately refused to listen to Dutch warnings about the impossibility of deploying XXX Corps off the single raised road onto the polderland flood plain.

Towering over everything was the fact that the operation depended on everything going right, when it is an unwritten rule of warfare that no plan survives contact with the enemy. This is doubly true of airborne operations. The likelihood of the Germans blowing the road bridge at Nijmegen over the river Waal was barely discussed. Had they done so – and their failure to do so was an uncharacteristic mistake – XXX Corps could never have reached the First Airborne at Arnhem in time.

Flaws in the plan became more evident day by day, but Browning refused to advise Montgomery to reconsider the operation. On 12 September, Sosabowski heard that the number of gliders allocated to him had been reduced. He would have to leave behind all his artillery while his anti-tank guns would be landed on the opposite side of the river to his main force. Two days later, he pointed out that the bridgehead to be held extended for 10 miles in difficult terrain. There was thus the possibility that his brigade might have to drop straight onto enemy-held ground. And if the British failed to capture the bridge, the Poles would be left on the wrong side of the river.

Operation Market Garden was quite simply a very bad plan right from the start and right from the top

British brigade commanders were not nearly so critical, mainly because they could not face another cancellation. They just wanted to get on with it. And, in the view of Brigadier Hicks, who commanded the First Air Landing brigade, Market Garden at least seemed to stand a better chance than several “absolutely insane” previous plans.

Brigadier General Jim Gavin of the 82nd Airborne was appalled that Urquhart should have accepted drop and landing zones so far from his main objective. Yet Gavin himself had been told by Browning that his first priority was to secure the Groesbeek heights south-east of Nijmegen. They overlooked the Reichswald, a great forest just across the German border, thought to conceal tanks. Browning's argument was that if the Germans occupied the Groesbeek heights, then their artillery could stop XXX Corps reaching Nijmegen. Its great road-bridge thus slipped down to become a lower priority, partly because the First Allied Airborne Army refused to land coup de main glider parties.

Montgomery refused to listen when Eisenhower's HQ expressed concern about German strength around Arnhem. The SS Panzer Divisions Hohenstaufen and Frundsberg were indeed in the area, although with only three serviceable Panther tanks and fewer than 6,000 men between them. Yet they were still able to form a nucleus onto which other less experienced units could be grafted. What the Allies failed to grasp was the extraordinary ability of the German military machine to react with speed and determination. Almost all the tanks that Allied troops faced in Market Garden were not present at the start of the operation, but were brought in from Germany on Blitztransport trains.

Anyone with any experience of airborne operations could see that the British landing and dropping zones, up to eight miles to the west of Arnhem, were too far away to achieve surprise. Major General Richard Gale, who had commanded the Sixth Airborne Division on D-Day, warned Browning that the lack of coup de main parties was likely to be disastrous and that he would have resigned rather than accept the plan. Browning refused to agree and asked Gale not to mention it to anyone else as it might damage morale.

There was little Urquhart could do about the other basic flaw. While the First Parachute Brigade was to march off towards the bridge, Hicks’s First Airlanding Brigade would have to remain behind to guard the drop and landing zones ready for Hackett’s Fourth Brigade. This meant that Urquhart had just a single brigade to secure his chief objective, and his division would be split in two with a wide gap in-between. Worse still, his signals officers were rightly worried that their radios might not work over that distance.


Suicide operation

Urquhart gave no hint in any of his reports, or in his book written after the war, that he opposed the plan, but then he was not a man to rock the boat or contradict the subsequent version of events that Arnhem had been a heroic, worthwhile gamble. Yet according to General Browning’s aide, Captain Eddie Newbury, on 15 September Urquhart appeared in Browning’s office at Moor Park, and strode over to his desk. “Sir,” he said, “you’ve ordered me to plan this operation and I have done it, and now I wish to inform you that I think it is a suicide operation.” (Editorial Note: It is by virtue of the recollection of this quotation that MGEN Robert E. “Roy” Urquhart should be exonerated of any substantive responsibility for the failure of Operation Market-Garden.)


The fears of those who had grave doubts about Market Garden were soon realised. Out of the First Airborne Division, only a single battalion made it to the bridge at Arnhem and could hold no more than its northern approach. At Nijmegen, the 82nd Airborne lacked the strength to secure its flank on the German border and also seize the great bridge over the Waal until after the much-delayed Guards Armoured Division finally arrived. By then the battalion at the Arnhem bridge had been crushed, and on 25 September, the battered remnants of the First Airborne at Oosterbeek had to evacuate to the south bank of the Lower Rhine. Out of approximately 10,600 men north of the Rhine, some 7,900 were left behind – dead, wounded and PoWs.

The Dutch suffered not just the 3,600 killed and nearly 20,000 severely disabled in the fighting, but faced German vengeance afterwards for having helped the Allies. More than 200,000 civilians were forced from their homes, which were looted and destroyed. The northern Netherlands were then subjected to famine quite deliberately in what became known as the Hunger Winter, with around 18,000 dead from starvation. They were the chief victims of the disastrous plan for Operation Market Garden.


Who were the key Allied players in Operation Market Garden?

Eisenhower and Montgomery

THE CHIEF AND THE CHEERLEADER

The man in charge of Allied forces in Europe, Eisenhower found the opinionated hero of El Alamein, Montgomery, difficult to work with. Eisenhower even considered sacking Monty after Operation Goodwood, part of the Normandy campaign, but feared a backlash in Britain.

Frederick Browning

UP FOR THE FIGHT

The British deputy commander of the First Allied Airborne Army was desperate to command troops in battle and pushed to make Market Garden a reality.

Lewis H Brereton

SIDELINED FLYER

Monty didn’t consult Browning’s American boss – or any other airman – over Market Garden.

Stanisław Sosabowski

PLAIN-SPEAKING POLE

The paratrooper warned that Market Garden would fail. This infuriated British commanders and they took revenge.

Miles Dempsey

THE PLANNER

The commander of the British Second Army helped draw up Market Garden but was worried the plan had serious flaws.

Roy Urquhart

THE DUTIFUL SCEPTIC

Urquhart thought Market Garden to be “a suicide mission” but methodically helped bring the plan to fruition.

Williams

TRANSPORT CARRIER COMMAND

The USAAF general rejected key parts of the plan yet Browning did not tell Monty he should reconsider.

Antony Beevor is one of the leading historians of the Second World War. His new book is Arnhem: The Battle for the Bridges, 1944 (Viking, 2018)."

 

For those readers who might be interested in learning additional information about Operation Market-Garden the following article from HISTORY EXTRA, with total acknowledgement and fully expressed gratitude;

 

"9 things you (probably) didn’t know about the battle of Arnhem

The battle of Arnhem (17–25 September 1944) was a bold – but ultimately failed – attempt to outflank German defences in north-west Europe by establishing a bridgehead across the lower Rhine river at the Dutch town of Arnhem. Author Iain Ballantyne reveals nine lesser-known facts about the battle.



The plan was for Allied paratroopers and land forces to launch a combined attack, which would break through German defences in the Netherlands. But the bridge at Arnhem was never captured – the plan ended in failure just a week later, resulting in thousands of casualties. Codenamed Operation Market Garden, it was the largest airborne operation in history and one of the biggest disasters of the Allied war effort. 

Here, Iain Ballantyne, author of Arnhem: Ten Days in The Cauldron, reveals nine lesser-known facts about the battle immortalised in the 1977 film A Bridge Too Far

During the battle of Arnhem in September 1944, great valour was shown by lightly armed British Airborne troops in the face of German panzers [tanks] and other heavy weaponry. Meanwhile, the people of the town on the Lower Rhine, and its suburb of Oosterbeek, suffered terribly as the combatants grappled to the death in their streets and even in their homes.

 

The prime objective of using 30,000 British and American paratroopers and glider-borne infantry to seize multiple river and canal crossing between the Dutch-Belgian border and the Rhine was to enable tanks and troops to dash up 64 miles of highway deep into the Netherlands. The British Second Army was then to make a right hook into Germany and take the Ruhr – the heart of the enemy war industries – intending to force the collapse of Hitler’s military machine.

However, another urgent priority was to capture territory in the Netherlands from which V2 ballistic missiles were being launched in an attempt to devastate London and other parts of southern England. That terrifying missile blitz had only just started in September 1944 when Operation Market Garden began, and the Allies badly wanted to snuff out the V2 threat.



More like this

Sergeants J Whawell and J Turrell of the Glider Pilot Regiment of the 1st Allied Airborne Army search a bomb-damaged school in the Netherlands for snipers during the battle of Arnhem. (Photo by Keystone/Getty Images)

When looking at this famous episode in the Second World War, I decided to focus on the struggle at the very tip of the lunge into the Netherlands. In writing Arnhem: Ten Days in The Cauldron, I was able tease out of the stories of individual soldiers and civilians caught up in the chaos and destruction of a savage battle, including some remarkable aspects that offer a more nuanced understanding even 75 years on.


Three Bridges Too Far

The decision to extend the attack so far behind enemy lines was famously described by Lt General Frederick ‘Boy’ Browning – top field commander of the Allied Airborne forces – as possibly “a bridge too far”. This remark was made to Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery, the overall commander of the British-led 21st Army Group and mastermind of Market Garden, when he and Browning were discussing the plan.

When Montgomery asked Browning if the 1st Airborne Division could take and hold the road bridge at Arnhem for two days, Browning suggested his troops could do it for twice as long – but added a telling caveat about the wisdom of the plan’s final objective: “I think we might be going a bridge too far,” said Browning. This famous response inspired the title of Irish reporter and historian Cornelius Ryan’s classic book on the operation, A Bridge Too Far, which was itself made into a spectacular star-studded Hollywood war movie in the mid-1970s.



In fact, it was a case of three bridges too far. Not only were the British Airborne troops asked to capture the road bridge over at Arnhem, but also a railway bridge and pontoon bridge. The former was blown up as paratroopers ventured onto it, while the latter had been dismantled.


Germans v Germans

The first soldiers of the 1st Airborne Division to drop into the Netherlands on 17 September 1944 were the 21stIndependent Parachute Company, the pathfinders who marked out the Drop Zones (DZs) and Landing Zones (LZs) and set up homing beacons. Among them were Germans and Austrians who had assumed fake British identities in order to fight the Nazis. They were Jewish refugees who had fled persecution in their homelands and were determined to exact payback on behalf of loved ones and families who had suffered so much under Adolf Hitler.

They were very fierce soldiers and, despite the fact they would probably be shot as traitors if taken prisoner, they made no secret of their identities, shouting insults at their foes in German.


Dutch bullets, Dutch kisses

On 18 September, when the second lift of 1st Airborne Division troops was going DZs and LZs beyond Arnhem – leaping from their Dakota troop transports or coming to earth in gliders – they were shot at by Dutch soldiers. Those troops belonged to Landstorm Nederland, a unit of the Waffen SS composed of Nazi collaborators. Dutch SS troops even fought soldiers of the Free Netherlands Army’s Princess Irene Brigade during earlier battles, in northern Belgium.

No sooner had some British soldiers survived the experience of being shot at by the Dutch SS near Arnhem than they were being embraced and kissed by overjoyed locals. The civilians came out to the DZs and LZs to greet the British soldiers with water and wine, to celebrate liberation, which sadly proved short lived.


War among the people

The majority of Dutch civilians of course hated the Nazis and yearned to be free of a brutal occupation after more than four years of oppression. They greeted the arrival of British troops with great joy, but, in the subsequent battle, thousands of them were trapped in the cellars of their homes in Arnhem town and neighbouring Oosterbeek.

As the Airborne soldiers shot at the enemy from rooms in houses on once-pleasant and pristine streets, beneath their feet civilians sheltered in the cellars and miserably awaited their fate. Enduring terrible conditions for days – going short of water and food, their homes destroyed above them as exploding artillery shells, machine gun fire and grenades roared all around – they were often terrified. Hundreds of civilians were killed during the fighting, but the astonishing thing is that thousands of those who took refuge in cellars survived.

On emerging from the cellars, they were told by the Germans to leave and not come back: anyone who did not evacuate themselves from Oosterbeek and Arnhem would be shot.

Despite the British bringing ruin to their homes, the Dutch people to this day salute the sacrifice of the Airborne soldiers who tried and failed to lift the yoke of fascist oppression.


Suffer not the animals

Suffering alongside the humans as the battle raged in the streets, fields, woods and gardens were animals — some of which fought back. One British soldier who threw himself into a slit trench to escape death under German bombardment found he was sharing it with a fierce little squirrel. It proceeded to attack him and had very sharp teeth. Hurling the animal out, the soldier found the squirrel determined not to yield. It bolted back into the trench and burrowed underneath him.

During the battle at Oosterbeek, a Dutch girl (who could speak English) pleaded with a British paratrooper to help her care for a horse, which was in a barn behind her house. He reluctantly took her out to feed and water the animal, fearing they would be shot down. Yet the Germans held their fire while Corporal Harry Tucker and the girl cared for the animal. Tucker later said: “I told the girl to hurry up with feeding and watering the horse. We then went back across the yard and she thanked me for helping her. The thing that still amazes me is that not a single shot was fired at us during the whole episode. Maybe the Germans were showing us some mercy, or maybe they were just temporarily out of ammo.”



One British officer even brought an animal with him to Arnhem from England. This was Myrtle the (so-called) parachick, a hen who jumped into battle strapped to the shoulder of paratrooper Lieutenant Pat Glover in a special canvas bag. Sadly, during a skirmish Myrtle was exposed to fire and killed.


Just pick up the phone

The radio problems suffered by the 1st Airborne Division at Arnhem are well-known. The radios may have worked sufficiently in carefully controlled exercises on Salisbury Plain, but they did not function well in the tree-lined suburbs, woods and polder of Holland [lowland reclaimed from a body of water by building dikes and drainage canals]. However, the British could have just picked up the phone. Much of the local telephone system functioned throughout the battle and was used to great effect by the Germans, who had seen a lot of their radio equipment destroyed during the retreat from Normandy. The British made limited use of the telephones as they did not trust them to be secure.

The famous episode in the 1977 movie A Bridge Too Far, in which 1st Airborne Division commander Major General Roy Urquhart (played by Sean Connery) is forced by radio problems to race around in a jeep, trying to speak to his commanders face-to-face, is absolutely true. Not only was Urquhart at one point trapped in an attic while evading enemy patrols, but he really did shoot dead a German soldier wo made the mistake of peering in the front window of another house the general was hiding in.


Vera Lynn and other psychological warfare

Radio contact was established with higher command headquarters and even between some units, when ranges were short. As part of normal practice, both sides listened in to each other’s radio broadcasts and tried to interfere with them. They exchanged insults over the airwaves, sometimes also masquerading as each other in attempts to glean intelligence or trip up their foe.

The Germans tried to break the British troops’ spirit by broadcasting loudspeaker messages suggesting their sweethearts were missing them and that senior British commanders had been taken prisoner. They even tried to make the British homesick by broadcasting Vera Lynn songs, which, rather than break the Airborne troops’ morale, raised their spirits. The British replied with loud curses and used their weapons to destroy the offending enemy loudspeakers.



At the Arnhem bridge, the senior Waffen SS commander thought he could persuade Lt Col John Frost, commander of the British force, to surrender by sending a captured Airborne soldier to tell him resistance was useless. They best give up or die! Frost decided such a tactic was evidence of enemy desperation. He and his troops became even more determined to keep on fighting, hoping Allied tanks and troops charging up the highway would soon reach his besieged force.


For the Allies, the war was not over

Eventually, with very few weapons left to fight the panzers, the British at the Arnhem road bridge surrendered. When the 1st Airborne Division – trapped in a cauldron of fire at Oosterbeek, with its back to the river ­– withdrew across the Rhine, it left behind several thousand wounded and/or captured soldiers, in addition to 1,200 dead.

Many of these elite troops were determined that this was not going to be the end of the matter. Hundreds of them evaded the enemy, or almost immediately escaped captivity to go on the run and into hiding with brave Dutch hosts. Some escaped from prison camps in Germany. As the Reich collapsed in April and May 1945, many of the remaining PoWs found themselves left to their own devices by guards who disappeared to avoid capture by the Allies.



One of the most remarkable escapes was by Major Tony Deane-Drummond who, after being taken prisoner in Arnhem, hid in a book cupboard for two weeks, surviving on a lump of stale bread and a little water. Once he felt the coast was clear of enemy troops, Deane-Drummond emerged and eventually made it to sanctuary and then home thanks to help from the Resistance and other Dutch people.

Along the way, while hiding out with a Dutch family, Deane-Drummond would visit nearby homes to listen to secret radios in an attempt to keep up with news from the outside world. During one listening session he met Baroness van Heemstra, whose family came from Arnhem, mother to 15-year-old daughter Edda – who would after the war be known to the world as the Hollywood actress Audrey Hepburn. The future movie star’s mother later sent a bottle of champagne to the house where Deane-Drummond was hiding to cheer him up.

Working with the SAS, Dutch Resistance and British intelligence operatives, some fugitive 1st Airborne Division officers organised a mass escape over the Rhine in late 1944. The British escapers were organised into fully armed units and, with assistane from American paratroopers and Canadian assault engineers, finally got out of enemy territory.


Hitler’s last victory in the west

Arnhem was the last time the Germans inflicted a major defeat on the Allies in the west. From then on, they lost every battle against the British, American and Canadian armies, while the Red Army steamroller shattered German armies in the east. At Arnhem, and also during the subsequent Ardennes offensive of December 1944, the Germans expended their last military capital in the west. While the fighting remained hard in the west, the British-led forces in the north were able to send a massive airborne and amphibious assault across the Rhine in spring 1945. The Reich was finished.

It would be going too far to say the western Allies could have perhaps taken Berlin if the Germans had lost at Arnhem. It was not in Supreme Allied Commander General Dwight D Eisenhower’s endgame plan to do so, as he preferred to leave that bloody job to the Russians. Yet, the effort involved in achieving victory at Arnhem and staging the Ardennes attack helped sap German forces at a time when they needed everything they could get to defend the Reich itself.


Iain Ballantyne is a journalist, editor, and author who has written several military history books, including those on the Second World War and the Cold War. His latest book, Arnhem: Ten Days in The Cauldron, is his second title for Agora Books, following on from Bismarck: 24"


Specific Events

Individuals with a specific interest in attending currently scheduled events are advised to refer to URL;

https://arnhem1944fellowship.org/arnhem-commemorations-2024/.


Military miniatures commemorating Operation Market-Garden Battle of Arnhem

Others who may be interested in obtaining military miniatures recreating the battle may want to refer to following specific articles within this blog;

http://arnhemjim.blogspot.com/2011/03/whats-form-general-mgen-re-urquhart-at.html

http://arnhemjim.blogspot.com/2011/03/battle-of-arnhem-whos-son-and-heir.html 

https://arnhemjim.blogspot.com/2014/03/a-photographic-catalog-operation-market.html   

http://arnhemjim.blogspot.com/2015/09/operation-market-garden-series-by-king.html

http://arnhemjim.blogspot.com/2015/09/wolfheze-junction-it-werent-no-ok.html

https://arnhemjim.blogspot.com/2017/09/an-addendum-to-photographic-catalog.html